Dissolving Disparities: Unraveling The Lack of Diversity in STEM

In second grade, my teacher would have these weekly reading periods where students could choose any work in her library to peruse. I would eagerly pick the outer space book, its cover of the radiating Sun drawing me in, prompting me to wonder about the distant planets and interstellar clouds I encountered among the pages. Throughout middle school, my science teachers recommended media for me to explore by space scientists, including Natalie Starkey’s book about space volcanoes titled Fire & Ice. Later attending a Women in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) summit, I became aware of the representational gaps within scientific fields. I considered my own background as an African-American girl interested in astrophysics, a science seemingly devoid of racial intersection, both in my community and beyond. These disparities caused me to ponder: Why does a lack of diversity among STEM fields persist, and why have some minority students with experiences similar to my own maintained their inspiration to pursue science rather than lose that passion early on in life?

Even as multicultural advancements continue to be made in STEM fields, evidence of a more diverse workforce pioneering such growth remains virtually non-existent. According to MIT Director of Global Programs Clara Piloto, as of 2023, only 24% of the STEM workforce in the US is made up of women. Meanwhile, this same study reveals only 17% of the STEM workforce are women in the European Union, 16% in Japan, and a mere 14% in India (Piloto). In terms of race, the National Science Foundation (NSF) has reported that the STEM workforce in the United States is 14.8% Hispanic, 8.2% African-American or Black, 9.5% Asian, and 0.3% Native American or Alaska Native. These trends suggest unambiguously that scientific communities are actively missing the potential contributions of millions of capable scientists. 

Trying to understand the origin point of these results calls for defining certain terms. Self-efficacy plays a significant role in minorities’ psychological relationship with STEM. As Drexel University researcher Tajma A. Cameron describes, self-efficacy is related to one’s self-confidence, specifically in having the capability to perform given tasks (622). Regarding science education, the development of a minority student’s self-efficacy contributes to their overall STEM identity, or one’s ability to see themselves in a given career, which is molded by their previous science-related experiences (Cameron 618). Considering psychology’s influence on gaps within science, the answer to my initial research question lies in one word: support. Research suggests STEM disparities primarily originate from discouraging psychological internalizations and social interactions minorities face early in life; to improve this, institutions must implement programs that guide minorities in their science education while promoting inclusive behavior. If underrepresented students feel supported in their scientific pursuits, then STEM fields will benefit from the nuanced experiences, skill sets, and perspectives that can only be brought to the table by individuals with radically different backgrounds, influences, and experiences. An increased diversity of representation could lead to radically different approaches to problem-solving that are not as dependent on existing resources.

This paper will delve into why representational gaps among STEM fields primarily derive from negative experiences in minorities’ childhoods, which are perpetuated by stereotypical ideologies and interactions, and can be amended through educational programs for underrepresented students. While doing so, I will counter the opposing side’s viewpoints, which suggest that STEM field disparities originate from a lack of outreach to and inclusion of minority professionals among science communities. Dissolving discriminatory hiring practices among science firms will be the most effective strategy to assist in diversifying STEM. Lastly, this essay will examine and weigh recent action plans dedicated to closing representational gaps among scientific studies.

If there is a particular subconscious skill that many children possess, it is the ability to pick up on novel differences across gender groups. Such aptitudes correlate directly to perceptions about STEM involvement. In fact, according to a study conducted by psychology researchers Jamie Amemiya and Lin Bian, children around six years old generally begin to believe girls have less of an interest in STEM (2). Such perspectives are magnified among girls themselves. By around six years old, they are more likely to view their female peers as less intellectually gifted when it comes to participating in STEM activities, while their male counterparts are less likely to believe so about others of the same gender (Amemiya and Bian 2). The idea of girls who have not even begun kindergarten already believing they are incapable of pursuing a scientific field is disconcerting, especially when it comes to the internalizations eventually drawn from these thoughts. For instance, children are known to develop an understanding relatively early in life of how both the practice and effort an individual puts into competitive STEM environments influence how they ultimately perform; according to Amemiya and Bian, this propensity demonstrates a “plausible mechanism” underlying the disparities among STEM fields regarding gender (2). Additionally, children possess a high attentiveness to how strong cause-and-effect relationships are (Amemiya and Bian 2). As such, the children participating in the study were informed that boys - but not girls - constantly had the opportunity to practice their skills in STEM alongside an instructor while also always being represented in STEM competitions (Amemiya and Bian 2). These crucial details parallel a message of discouragement, implying there exists inherent societal barriers that hinder girls in finding pathways to succeed in STEM. Therefore, the combination of this concept with the acute awareness of the children absorbing these negative ideas leads to the collective lack of self-confidence toward STEM among young girls observed, prompting the gender ratios among scientific workplaces to continue being uneven and stifling STEM’s progress through diverse perspectives and skills as a result.

Similar to the development of gender disparities within STEM environments, racial gaps also exist in early childhood within these types of settings. According to researchers Paul L. Morgan, Eric Hengyu Hu, George Farkas, Marianne M. Hillemeier, Yoonkyung Oh, and Cecelia A. Gloski, one of the prominent “opportunity factors” related to the observed ethnic gaps in STEM is the economic composition - and thus ability to afford inclusive STEM support programs - of the elementary schools that students attend (153). In addition to this information, surveys conducted by Morgan et al. revealed that by as early as kindergarten, in comparison to 16% of White students, merely 3%, 4%, and 7% of Black, Hispanic, and Asian students respectively display advanced science achievement; these jarring gaps persisted throughout first through fifth grade for Black and Hispanic students in particular (159). Furthermore, displays of advanced science achievement decreased from 5% to 4% for Native Americans between kindergarten and fifth grade (Morgan, et al. 159). The statistics behind advanced mathematics achievement among various racial and ethnicity groups are also grim. In kindergarten, approximately 4% of Black and Hispanic students demonstrated achievements in advanced mathematics compared to about 13% of their White counterparts; by the end of fifth grade, only around 2% and 3% of Black and Hispanic students exhibited advanced mathematics achievement, and the percentage of Native American students ranged from 4% to 7% throughout elementary school (Morgan, et al. 159). These concerning numbers paired with the concept of reduced educational opportunities point to a key element behind the racial gaps underscored by the NSF: a lack of funded support aimed at increasing academic growth of minority students in the sciences and mathematics. More specifically, the fact that these programs are not as prevalent among elementary schools is the issue, as teachers are more likely to support STEM interests during those early formative years (Morgan, et al. 165). Solely making efforts toward amending these disparities in middle school may be too late since, by then, interest in STEM begins to decline among minority students due to them viewing scientists as stereotypically White; meanwhile, by high school, racial and ethnic disparities in STEM career interests begin to emerge (Morgan, et al. 165). Thus, as long as there is an absence of continuous support for individuals of underrepresented sectors through their educational journeys, these problematic revelations will only persist, stunting the STEM community’s growth and potential influx of brilliant minds. 

Along with harmful self-perceptions shared among minorities in science is the compounded psychological response to negative interactions. For instance, in environments where minority students outperform classmates from non-marginalized backgrounds, hostile reactions from the latter induce dispassion among underrepresented students, prompting them to step out of rather than lean into their initial scientific pursuits. As explained by psychology and biology scholars Erika J. Koch, Abby S. Davis-Janes, and Tamara A. Franz-Odendaal in the opening of their research paper, this happened to Dr. Donna Strickland, the third woman to win a Physics Nobel Prize (539). After outdoing one of the males in her mathematics class, he had threatened to “‘pound’” her (Koch, et al. 539). Current research reveals that traumatic encounters such as these leave a lasting mark on the minority student caught on the receiving end; this leads to experiencing relatively low levels of belongingness in STEM, which prompts one to question whether they belong in such fields and compromises both their interests in STEM along with their STEM identity over the course of their educational career (Koch, et al. 541).

As a result, guilt and overall discomfort tend to make their home in the mind of overperforming, underrepresented individuals (Koch, et al. 539). These psychological responses can compound themselves further with a lack of feeling like one belongs, which only diminishes emotional investment and leads to a growing dispassion for the sciences. Such diminishing interest among girls can especially be seen in computer science classes, where stereotypically-male decorations from Star Wars, video games, and more reflect not just interests but the singular gender of the students in each class (Koch, et al. 540). With intermingling emotions of fear and discomfort creating disinterest alongside the added layer of uninviting learning spaces and media, it is no wonder why the gaps Clara Piloto identified exist. Individuals who face direct and indirect forms of discrimination are not going to want to immerse themselves in scientific fields dominated by the very demographics that continue to marginalize them. Therefore, as long as these harmful behaviors and trends toward minorities are perpetuated in early educational settings and media, the STEM fields that could have had influxes of new talent with differing backgrounds and viewpoints from which to view existing research and to generate revolutionary research will come up short. 

Opponents of the idea that STEM gaps are primarily to blame on discrimination within the educational world instead posit that they originate from a lack of inclusive outreach within the professional world. Looking at the African-American population within neuroscience in particular, featured author in The Washington Post Peter Hess reveals that, in the United States, the median number of Black neuroscientist speakers at conferences concerned with this field remains zero. A proposed reason for such a disconcerting statistic is the absence of an effort from neuroscientists of non-marginalized demographics being made to communicate with and invite minority speakers in the first place (Hess). However, granted that a contributing factor to the existence of previously-explained STEM disparities within the workforce could be a gap in outreach plans among colleagues, this is only part of the larger story as to why neuroscientists of color are generally rare to begin with. A major component that contributes to this phenomenon is the lack of potential mentors, or in other words, support from those with more instructional knowledge in the field (Hess). With the absence of these types of programs, aspiring Black scientists encounter obstacles in connecting with collaborators and exposing their research to prospective funding organizations down the line, creating a “‘suppressing’” endeavor should they find themselves pursuing a career in neuroscience in the future (Hess). Similar to the emotions described by Koch et al. among underrepresented students pursuing academics in STEM, the devoid nature of racial equity and inclusion in neuroscience leads to feelings of self-doubt, angst, and chronic feelings of isolation among minorities (Hess). This development demonstrates that racial gaps exist before minority individuals actually enter the professional world of STEM. Thus, the negative emotional and psychological progression prompted by an absence of educational support as described earlier reveals the origin point of such disparities, as where support does not exist, passion for science recedes.  

Some individuals argue that the most effective way to close such gaps calls for diversifying hiring practices. For instance, according to Harvard Business Review journalists Judd Kessler and Corinne Low, the problem of “racial bias” dictated the resume audits performed by employers in a research experiment. During these reviews, studies revealed that resumes with names that were believed to be “Black” (e.g. Lakisha or Jamal) generated less interview requests than from resumes with “White” names (such as “Emily” or “Greg”) (Kessler and Low). Overcoming discriminatory practices such as these among science firms has prompted the proposal of an “Incentivized Resume Rating” approach, where objective criteria such as a candidate’s Grade Point Average (GPA), work experience, and leadership are screened and matched, while aspects like race and gender are ignored (Kessler and Low). Admittedly, these more inclusive hiring practices may assist in promoting some diversity among the larger STEM working world. However, these strategies will only be trying to amend an arguably larger issue that precedes the biases shared among employers. It is the bias that exists among STEM environments (such as within academic classes described by Koch et al.) that minority students push through before even contemplating pursuing a field as a professional career. 

In order to assist in counteracting these biases and ultimately promote inclusivity in STEM fields, organizations must continue to implement programs aimed at fostering minority students’ senses of STEM identity and self-efficacy. As detailed by Information Science and Educational Foundation scholars Jay Bhuyan, Fan Wu, Cassandra Thomas, Kai Koong, Jung Won Hur, and Chih-Hsuan Wang, an NSF Summer Academy had done this through teaching minority students about aerial drone engineering and cybersecurity with the aim of racially diversifying the Information Technology (IT) field (899). It prompted participants to consider how drone technology could help map geographical landscapes and assist agriculture, encouraged real-world problem-solving (known as Project-Based Learning, or PBL) while coding algorithms in teams of 10, and paired over 77% of Black students in the program with instructors from Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) (Bhuyan, et al. 900-902). The resulting increase in these students’ areas of knowledge, attitude toward pursuing science, and acquired skill sets were substantial, as demonstrated by statistical data later taken through surveys (Bhuyan, et. al 907). In contrast to the bleak statistics and phenomena provided by Morgan et al. and Koch et al. the results from this NSF IT program reveal hope for the future of amending minority gaps among STEM fields.

In a similar fashion to the program Bhuyan et al. examines, another model works to present deeper learning and STEM career opportunities to marginalized individuals outside of school. As illustrated by researchers Ryan Culbertson, Guan K. Saw, Chi-Ning Chang, Kahli, Hedrick-Romano, and Guillermo Lopez, this plan stretches out to students from grades six through nine: it provides coursework pairings that include algebraic structures and physics to computer science and advanced engineering while utilizing PBL, group mentoring, and tutoring (7). Sampling from a student body consisting of predominantly females, underrepresented minorities (URMs), and low socioeconomic status (Low-SES) individuals, surveys were later conducted revealing a strong correlation, or factor load above the 0.70 threshold, between the model’s methods of involving students in the sciences and their overall attitudes toward STEM (Culbertson, et al. 9). In fact, a factor load of 0.911 students felt that they were “encouraged to think of creative solutions to problems,” 0.811 acknowledged that they “worked with real-world examples,” and the initial 0.891 figure of individuals thinking of “working as a STEM professional in the future” had now increased to 0.922 after the completing the courses (Culbertson, et al. 9). It is in supportive educational settings like these where minorities can begin to mentally rewrite the harmful narrative they have internalized. It is in spaces where one is told that they are capable rather than they are not where marginalized individuals can begin to see themselves operating a telescope, analyzing a cell sample, or constructing a wind turbine. Furthermore, it is with this academic guidance that the STEM workforce can benefit from the nuanced ideas and expertise these eventual professionals will bring to the table.

Discriminatory stereotypes, negative social interactions, and an overarching lack of support for minority students are the key factors that precipitate the STEM gaps we see today. These disheartening phenomena psychologically affect underrepresented students, hampering their self-perception, self-efficacy, and STEM identity early on in their educational journeys. If we are to close the gaps present within the world of science in the most effective way, it is imperative that educational institutions provide academic programs that tangibly guide and encourage marginalized students interested in pursuing STEM. If these students’ capabilities are reinforced, education, industry, medicine, and the environment will all eventually benefit from their insights and ideas.